Recep Tayyip Erdogan's Justice and Development Party (AKP) has
won a convincing victory in the July 2007 elections, but despite
the opposition's claims, it plans to allow only few Islamic values
in future government institutions.
Mr Erdogan's Party (AKP) won 47% of the vote, giving it a clear
majority in the 550-seat parliament in Ankara. Two opposition parties
passed the 10% threshold needed to guarantee seats in parliament:
the secularist Republican People's Party (CHP) polled 20%, and the
right-wing Nationalist Action Party (MHP) 14%.
More than 80% of the electorate voted in what Mr Erdogan declared
a big test for Turkey's democracy - a clear warning for the generals
and their political allies, whose attempt to undermine the government
ended in total fiasco. But Political analysts caution that the AKP's
resounding victory could fuel tensions with Turkey's powerful military,
which considers itself the guardian of the secular system put in
place 84 years ago by the country's founder, Kemal Ataturk.
On the other hand, Erdogan's landslide victory could embolden
him as he prepares to try and nominate a presidential candidate
of his choice, in the coming weeks. But he will have to mind his
steps very carefully. Even among his many voters, most AKP supporters
do not want a pure Shari'a-based Islamic Turkey. Thus, Erdogan will
no doubt continue to mind his steps extremely, preventing "rocking
the boat" introducing any drastic political measures. And he
would be right to pursue this proven strategy in his newly gained
term. In fact, even among his many voters, most AKP supporters do
not want a pure Shari'a-based Islamic Turkey.
Indeed, after its defeat, the Turkish military and especially
its General Staff, remains a respected institution in the nation
even though many seem already tired of its political interference-
the army having ousted no less than four Governments since 1960.
It is clear that the generals headed by their charismatic chief
General Yasar Buyukanit seem to have overestimated their ability
to engineer their desirable outcome. But there is no question that
the military still has an enormous stake in the outcome of this
election, for political, ideological, and even commercial reasons
and no-one in Turkey really thinks the army is about to give up
its political role either.
Perhaps mindful of those tensions, Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan
struck a reconciliatory tone in his victory speech, paying homage
to Ataturk and offering assurances that his party's agenda was firmly
centered on the pro-business, free-market policies that have generated
unprecedented economic prosperity since it took power. It seems
realistic that under Erdogan, the continuance of the traditional
moderate secular Islamic orientation in Turkey will last into a
foreseeable future.
In another surprising milestone, some 24 Kurdish candidates - who
ran as independents to avoid having to reach the vote threshold
for parties - won an quite impressive number of parliamentary seats.
Their accession, the first by Kurds in more than 15 years, comes
as the government is weighing an incursion into northern Iraq to
fight Kurdish rebels. Up to 15 million of Turkey's 74 million people
are Kurds and these will now have to be reckoned with in any future
political decision. But first the Democratic Society Party (DTP)
must disassociate itself from the Kurdistan Workers’ Party
(PKK) if there are to be talks or cooperation between the party
and the government. Sentiments against the PKK have risen sharply
earlier this year, when the terrorists restarted their violent campaign
after a long period of restraint, boosting public support in Turkey
for nationalist parties demanding a tougher crackdown on Kurdish
separatism. It will be remembered that the PKK had launched its
armed struggle in 1984, demanding an ethnic homeland in southeast
Turkey. During that period, more than 30,000 people have been killed
in the conflict.
Moreover, Turkey's next government will have to decide whether to
send the army into northern Iraq to crush PKK rebels based there,
a move that is increasingly worrying the United States, but not
only Washington alone, but the new Kurdish parliamentarians as well.
But Prime Minister Erdogan is already facing his first political
power test, as Turkish lawmakers are to choose a new president within
30 days. With the opposition still stung by defeat, that could result
in the same deadlock that occurred last April, when the AKP put
forth Foreign Minister Abdullah Gul as its candidate and failed.
At the time Erdogan hesitating to confront the Army, which had issued
a stern warning over this potential nomination. (see our previous
analysis: Myth and
Realities of Turkey's Hidden Islamist agenda.) Lacking the necessary
numbers in Parliament, even after his landslide victory, Mr Erdogan
cannot easily push through his nomination of Mr Gul, and he will
need to seek the agreement of either the secular Opposition, ultra-nationalists
or Kurdish MPs, which will form a solid block in the new Parliament.
The latter will seek full payment for their consent and the question
is whether the Islamists are ready to agree. The obvious solution
would be nomination of a "neutral" figure acceptable to
all.
So whatever the case may be, Turkey under the AKP is not necessarily
hasting to join the Islamic Fundamentalist axis shaping up throughout
the Middle East. Within its unique careful political balancing act,
Turkey will no doubt contunue its pro-western alliance, perhaps
with reservations, but certainly not create a drastic shift to extremism.
What is lesser known to uninitiated: Mr Erdogan's moderate Islamic
AKP has staunchly adhered to its pro-western attitude, in contrast
to the secular political parties, who maintain a radical anti-US
and EU stance, not to mention opposing Turkey's strategic alliance
with Israel! On the other hand, the AKP under Erdogan has maintained
close contact, even enhancing military and economic relations with
Israel and is even trying to mediate some sort of renewed negotiations
between Jerusalem and Damascus. The mutual benefits for the Ankara-Jerusalem
strategic dialogue are a crucial element in maintaining the security
to the two democratic nations, both prone to the extreme terrorist
threat endangering their wellbeing.
In fact, Turkey is no less concerned with the fundamentalist rise
sponsored by Iran's radical president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, which
is unfolding right on Turkey's doorstep in Syria and Lebanon and
becoming critical, as Washington is already pondering its troop
withdrawal from Iraq next year, with serious consequences involved
to the security of Sunni moderates in the Middle East. A continued
strategic dialogue with the already shaping Sunni anti-"Shi'ite
Crescent" axis, led by Saudi Arabia, Jordan and Egypt is in
clear interest to Ankara's future Mid Eastern strategy. With Israel
adding its unique relations with Washington behind the scene, adding
considerable backing to any effort stemming the threat of Islamic
fundamentalist infiltration into Turkey's finely balanced political
system - Turkey's moderate Islamic Party under of Recep Tayyip Erdogan's
wise political leadership, could be on the right track.
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